So Deeply Embedded in Our History and Our Habitual Ways, or, “This Is Water” by Nathan Jones

Locke’s real starting-point was not a theoretical mass of right-possessing individuals in a state of nature, but his own countrymen under the English constitution of his own day. The state of nature and its whole concomitant apparatus of natural rights and the social contract was the regular stock in-trade of the political writers of his age. He adopted all this because he could hardly help doing so, and because it was what the readers of political treatises expected and accepted. But what he was really doing, under the guise of erecting a form of government on the basis of freely consenting individuals, was to describe the operation of the traditional English constitution in terms of the political philosophy current in his age. The notion of consent, never strictly analysed, and involving some element of legal fiction, had come to be embodied in this constitution in the course of its historical development, and was already so well established (particularly with respect to taxation and legislation) by the time Locke inherited it that he (and no doubt his readers also) found no need to subject it to a close analysis and scrutiny. Under such a scrutiny, I think we must conclude, the notion may seem self-contradictory, and it might therefore be wiser for us to abandon it. Yet it is so deeply embedded in our history and our habitual ways of speech and thought that perhaps this is scarcely possible.
— J. W. Gough in John Locke's Political Philosophy (1950)

“This is Water” is the title of David Foster Wallace’s commencement address to the Kenyon College graduating class of 2005.

Shorn of the deepest ties by Nathan Jones

Statism arose as a violent reaction against [a] feeling of atomization. As naturally political and social creatures, people require a thick set of constitutive bonds in order to function as fully formed human beings. Shorn of the deepest ties to family (nuclear as well as extended), place, community, region, religion, and culture, and deeply shaped to believe that these forms of association are limits upon their autonomy, deracinated humans seek belonging and self-definition through the only legitimate form of organization remaining available to them: the state.
— Patrick Deneen in Why Liberalism Failed (2018)

The Myth of the Free Market by Nathan Jones

In a recent conversation with Auron MacIntyre, streamed on YouTube, Academic Agent made the following twelve points to refute the claim that there is such a thing as the “free market.” These assertions are largely self-explanatory and make a compelling case. I record them here for posterity and encourage you to listen to the conversation.

  1. There has never been, and can never be, a state of affairs that is “pre-political.” As such, there will always be a set of rulers who will–ten times out of ten–intervene in the business of resource allocation (Mosca, Pareto)

  2. The will of the stock market reflects neither the needs and wants of consumers nor the allocations of resources that reflect the underlying fundamental performances of the companies represented by equities.

  3. The “public company” created by the IPO is a product of law, not of free-market transactions, and is therefore a function of the state. The private-public distinction is lost as soon as this takes place. (C.A. Bond)

  4. Mass shareholders lose functional control over companies to the managerial class according to the Iron law of Oligarchy (“he who says organisation says oligarchy”–Michels) who no longer run it "for profit" but rather for the expansion of managerial power. (Burnham)

  5. To compound this, limited liability laws remove accountability or “material feedback” for managers and employees of every large firm.

  6. In addition, massive asset management firms (Blackrock, Vanguard, State Street) are now so large that they can dictate the market for any given share through effective control of institutional investors across every sector and indirect control through the “waves and ripples” any movement they make will create for the rest of the market.

  7. Through these mechanisms and even attempts to formalise them (ESG), managers can inflate stocks for bogus companies who create zero real value (think: the entire green sector grift); 87% of Silicon Valley firms never see a profit yet their share prices have been greatly inflated for over a decade. It is driven by ideology, not “what customers want.”

  8. On top of this, managers-in-government (see Fed, Central Banks) can work with managers-in-finance (see Blackrock, Vanguard) to topple any rogue CEO (see current Tesla stock price) or even any rogue government (see Bank of England & market vs. Liz Truss),

  9. The Iron Law of Oligarchy extends also to the consumer level. It is not the consumers who are “sovereign,” but the purchasing managers of a supermarket who dictate which good see the shelves and which do not. Even if there were massive market demand for, say, Alex Jones, the Apple “supermarket” is not going to allow it on the shelf; it is the same with any consumer good.

  10. Consumers are effectively trained as cattle into long-term purchasing habits that are nearly perfectly predictable by companies who produce those goods. Most markets have a market leader with 70% share (a “Coke”), a number 2 brand with 29% share (a “Pepsi”), and then the rest of the market which makes up the other 1%.

  11. Even if consumers were not cattle, but perfectly rational actors, most of the leading firms are now so big that they are impossible to boycott, P&G is the best recent example following the Gillette ad which lost $8 billion and the CEO was not even fired, said he'd “do it again.” P&G can eat that up (“Go Woke, Go Broke” is cope!)

  12. Economies of scale grant market leaders leverage which extends the Iron Law of Oligarchy up and down the supply chain. Tesco or Salnsbury's have such leverage over farmers that they dictate the wholesale prices of goods. Ford Motor Company is so big it is the only customer for many of its suppliers, and could bankrupt them in days if they did not accept their terms. No supermarket wants Coca-Cola pulling out of its stores, etc.

The Knight of Faith by Nathan Jones

The Knight of Faith is obliged to rely upon himself alone, he feels the pain of not being able to make himself intelligible to others, but he feels no vain desire to guide others. The pain is his assurance that he is in the right way, this vain desire he does not know, he is too serious for that. The false knight of faith readily betrays himself by this proficiency in guiding which he has acquired in an instant. He does not comprehend what it is all about, that if another individual is to take the same path, he must become entirely in the same way the individual and have no need of any man’s guidance, least of all the guidance of a man who would obtrude himself. At this point men leap aside, they cannot bear the martyrdom of being uncomprehended, and instead of this they choose conveniently enough the worldly admiration of their proficiency. The true Knight of Faith is a witness, never a teacher, and therein lies his deep humanity, which is worth a good deal more than this silly participation in others’ weal and woe which is honoured by the name of sympathy, whereas in fact it is nothing but vanity. He who would only be a witness thereby avows that no man, not even the lowliest, needs another man’s sympathy or should be abased that another may be exalted. But since he did not win what he won at a cheap price, neither does he sell it out at a cheap price, he is not petty enough to take men’s admiration and give them in return his silent contempt, he knows that what is truly great is equally accessible to all.
— Søren Kierkegaard, writing as Johannes de Silentio, in Fear and Trembling (1843)

What is education? by Nathan Jones

I should suppose that education was the curriculum one had to run through in order to catch up with oneself, and he who will not pass through the curriculum is helped very little by the fact that he was born in the most enlightened age.
— Søren Kierkegaard, writing as Johannes de Silentio, in Fear and Trembling (1843)